Na edição de 2a. feira, 18/4/2016, portanto um dia após a votação na Câmara dos Deputados em Brasília que aprovou por 367 votos contra 137 o encaminhamento ao Senado do processo de impeachment da presidente Dilma Rousseff, o NEW YORK TIMES deu espaço em sua página de Opinião, a artigo do professor Carlos Pio que leciona Relações Internacionais na Universidade de Brasília (e é Diretor-Executivo do IRICE - Instituto de Relações Internacionais e Comércio Exterior) com o título "O voto pelo impeachment no Brasil definitivamente não é um golpe".
Na mesma página está um texto de Laura Carvalho, professora de economia da USP e articulista da Folha de São Paulo com uma visão oposta: "The ousting of Brazilian President constitutes a coup".
O texto, na íntegra, está reproduzido a seguir. Leia a matéria original no endereço: https://www.nytimes.com/roomfordebate/2016/04/18/in-brazil-a-house-cleaning-or-a-coup/the-impeachment-vote-in-brazil-is-definitely-not-a-coup
The Impeachment Vote in Brazil Is Definitely Not a Coup
Carlos Pio - Professor of international political economy at the Universidade de Brasilia and a partner at Augurium, a political risk consulting firm. (UPDATED APRIL 19, 2016)
Democracy is relatively new to Brazil. Sunday's vote in the House of Representatives to start impeachment proceedings in the Senate against President Dilma Rousseff is proof that the democratic process is working.
In presidential systems, like Brazil’s, democracy requires elections — fair, competitive, regular and clean — but also checks and balances among the executive, congressional and judicial branches. A new democracy depends on the existence of a constitution, but it also requires responsible leadership to conduct the day to day affairs of the country.
The critical juncture Brazil is undergoing now, and the way it is muddling through it, reinforces democratic politics and fiscal responsibility. Democracy is working.
Under democratic rule, which emerged in Brazil in 1985 after 21 years of a military dictatorship, the country has worked hard to establish a welfare system, to reduce poverty, and to curb inflation. But both achievements are still incomplete and are threatened by fiscal profligacy.
Public debt is at 66 percent of gross domestic product, the tax burden is already at 40 percent, the country's fiscal deficit is beyond 10 percent a year, inflation is at 9 percent and unemployment is at 8 percent. All are worsening.
The long-term solution to those problems depends on market-friendly, structural reforms together with tight control of government finances. These changes are necessary to alleviate the fiscal crisis and to promote better incentives to productivity — competition, lower interest rates, access to imports and global production chains. Done well, these changes will not impede Brazil’s continuing efforts to fight poverty.
President Rousseff is accused of illegally using money from state-owned banks to conceal a budget deficit to bolster her re-election prospects. The Supreme Court — where eight of the 11 justices were appointed by the president's own party — defined, supervised and validated the vote to move ahead with impeachment. Right after the vote, the masses mobilized by the president to pressure for a no vote, went home in peace.
A political process is legitimate when all forces accept it, when the rules defining the struggle are respected and when there is no violent challenge to its outcomes.
The critical juncture Brazil is undergoing now, and the way it is muddling through it, reinforces democratic politics and fiscal responsibility.
It is definitely not a coup.